USA

"This license authorizes NutraSweet to export its artificial sweetener to Iran. The company contended that NutraSweet's products qualify as agricultural commodities for which a license should be granted under the agriculture and medical humanitarian sections because its sweeteners are 'food additives for humans,' one of the definitions listed in the regulations. The company, which received licenses in other years as well, was authorized to sell to the following entities in Iran: Zam Zam Iran Company, Pars Minoo Ind. Co., Choco Parstoo Co., Iran Zak, the Sasan Company and the Nooshab Company, all in Tehran; the Farabi Pharmaceutical Company in Isfahan; and the Dadash Barador Company and the Shirin Asal Food Ind. Co. in Tabriz." (New York Times, "Licenses Granted to U.S. Companies Run the Gamut," 12/24/10)

"This license authorized New Century, a tobacco manufacturer, to enter into a transaction in which Yara Tech Company of Tehran would buy cigarette tax banderoles from the Iranian government tobacco monopoly, forward those to New Century, which would then deliver them to a cigarette factory where they would be applied to cigarette packs to be sold in Iran. Iran charges an import tax of more than 7 percent on cigarettes, according to customs officials." (New York Times, "Licenses Granted to U.S. Companies Run the Gamut," 12/24/10)

"Spice giant McCormick has agreed to stop selling its spices to Iran, following the efforts of a Baltimore Jewish activist. Jay Bernstein, an attorney and community activist, read in The New York Times article last December that despite sanctions against Iran, the U.S. Treasury was still allocating licenses to American companies to conduct business with the Islamic Republic. One of those companies, he learned, was the Baltimore-based McCormick & Co., founded in 1889 by a Jewish immigrant. 'It seemed that what we could do is draw attention to McCormick and get them to reconsider,' Bernstein said... Jim Lynn, McCormick’s director of corporate communications, told the Baltimore Jewish Times that McCormick distributes its spices to some 100 countries. But he said the company could not get assurances by certain parties that the products would not be sold by companies connected in some ways to companies that had been blacklisted, so McCormick decided not to sell in Iran." (JTA, "McCormick stopping spice sales to Iran," 4/13/11)

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"McCormick & Company was licensed to sell a range of products, including spices, seasonings, salt substitutes, dips, marinades, food colorings, edible cake decorations, icings, imitation vanilla extract and salad toppings, to a number of stores in Iran under the broadly written exemption for agricultural products. Though OFAC and the State Department are required by law to vet the companies that are buying even benign products to make sure they are not involved in international terrorism, The New York Times found that a number of the Iranian companies listed on the application as the end purchasers of McCormick's goods were in fact connected to entities that the United States has blacklisted for their involvement in Iran's nuclear and ballistic weapons programs and connection to terrorist activities. Take Refah, the largest supermarket chain in Iran. Its shareholders, according to Refah's website, include the Iranian Bank of Saderat, and Bank of Sepah, the Bank of Melli and Bank Tejarat. The Bank of Saderat was blacklisted by OFAC for serving as a conduit between the Iranian government and various terrorist organizations, including Hezbollah and Hamas. The Bank of Sepah was blacklisted for serving as 'the financial linchpin' of Iran's efforts to procure a 'missile capable of carrying weapons of mass destruction.' The Bank of Melli and Bank Tejarat were blacklisted for similar activities. Shahrvand, another of the chain stores listed in the McCormick license application, is owned by the government of Tehran. Both Refah and Shahrvand were once run by Ali-Akbar Mehrabian, according to the Iranian press. Mr. Mehrabian is President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's minister for industries and mines, and a close adviser believed to be instrumental in smoothing the way for the sale of government-owned assets to the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps, an arm of the Iranian military that the United States has also blacklisted for its involvement in the Iranian nuclear program. And a third chain store, Ghods, is closely linked with the Guards; many top officials in the organizations are former Guards officers. A McCormick spokesman, Jim Lynn, said that the company has held this license for several years, but that 'we were not aware of the information you shared with us, and we are looking into it.' OFAC's director, Adam J. Szubin, acknowledged that it did not appear as though background checks had been done in this case. But, he said, given his limited resources, they were better spent on stopping weapons technology from reaching Iran. 'Are we checking end users? Yes. But are we doing corporate due diligence on every Iranian importer? No,' Mr. Szubin said. 'I don't think that would be the best use of our Farsi speakers and our Iranian intelligence analysts.' He added that even if the links had come to light, he still might not have had the authority to deny the license. That's because Congress drafted the law mandating that licenses be issued for agricultural products in such a way that they can be denied only if it can be shown that the purchasers are more than 50 percent owned by entities engaged in terrorism." (New York Times, "Licenses Granted to U.S. Companies Run the Gamut," 12/24/10)

Over the last three presidential administrations, the United States government has granted Mars 10 special licenses to do business in Iran. (New York Times, "Companies with Permission to Bypass Sanctions," 12/24/10)

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"This license allowed the company to export confectionery, ice cream, packaged consumer food products and pet care products to Iran. OFAC redacted the actual brand names and the names of the ultimate buyers. A company spokeswoman, Kelly McGrail, said: 'Mars Incorporated and its subsidiaries, including Wrigley, operate in full compliance of all state, federal and international regulations. We provide our products to consumers all over the world. At this time, Mars and Wrigley sell products to consumers in Sudan, Iran and Libya in full compliance with all U.S. regulations, including the Office of Foreign Assets Control licensing regime. We will, of course, continue to monitor the actions of the U.S. government on this matter and comply with any changes in regulation.'" (New York Times, "Licenses Granted to U.S. Companies Run the Gamut," 12/24/10)

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"The chewing gum manufacturer, owned by Mars Inc., was licensed to export its products to Iran and Sudan. OFAC redacted the names of the entities buying the products. A company spokeswoman, Kelly McGrail said: 'Mars Incorporated and its subsidiaries, including Wrigley, operate in full compliance of all state, federal and international regulations. We provide our products to consumers all over the world. At this time, Mars and Wrigley sell products to consumers in Sudan, Iran and Libya in full compliance with all U.S. regulations, including the Office of Foreign Assets Control licensing regime. We will, of course, continue to monitor the actions of the U.S. government on this matter and comply with any changes in regulation.'" (New York Times, "Licenses Granted to U.S. Companies Run the Gamut," 12/24/10)

"This license authorized Lane Limited, a tobacco company, to export smoking tobacco and little cigars to companies that would ultimately re-export those products to the following Iranian entities: the Lariana Trading Company in Tehran for resale to BAT Pars Company in Tehran. Iran charges an import tax of more than 7 percent on cigarettes, according to customs officials." (New York Times, "Licenses Granted to U.S. Companies Run the Gamut," 12/24/10)

"This license allowed Kraft to sell the following products to Iran: biscuits, cereal, confectionery, coffee, cheese, powdered beverages, mayonnaise, desserts, cooking ingredients, cake premixes, dressings and cakes. OFAC redacted the names of the Iranian importers. The company also received a license to sell its products in Sudan." (New York Times, "Licenses Granted to U.S. Companies Run the Gamut," 12/24/10)

"Americans taken hostage in the 1979 siege of the U.S. embassy in Iran sued JPMorgan Chase & Co. over David Rockefeller’s role in persuading the U.S. to allow the deposed Iranian leader into the country." (Bloomberg, "Iran Embassy Hostages Sue JPMorgan Over Rockefeller Role," 3/19/2020). 

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"Despite the changes to the US, EU and UN sanctions on Iran under the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (“JCPOA”) in January 2016, JPMC is still not permitted either by law or JPMC policy to engage in any activities with or involving Iran, the Iranian government or any Iranian financial institutions. JPMC may consider, on a case-by-case basis, certain activities and transactions that are exempt or licensed by OFAC." (Compliance with Iran Sanctions)

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During the first quarter of 2017, a foreign-incorporated subsidiary of JPMorgan Chase & Co. processed a payment in the amount of EUR 1,466 for its client, a non-U.S. international organization, where the payment originated from entities owned or controlled by the Government of Iran. The payment, which was received into the client’s account, was for the purchase of informational materials and was therefore an exempt transaction pursuant to 31 C.F.R. 560.210(c). JPMorgan Chase & Co. charged a fee of EUR 2.50 for this transaction. JPMorgan Chase & Co. may in the future engage in similar transactions for its clients to the extent permitted by U.S. law.

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According to its Annual Report filed for fiscal year 2015: "During 2015, JPMorgan Chase Bank, N.A. processed one payment from Iran Airtours on behalf of a U.S. client into such client’s account at JPMorgan Chase Bank, N.A. Iran Airtours is a subsidiary of Iran Air, which, at the time of the payment, was designated pursuant to Executive Order 13382. This transaction was authorized by and conducted pursuant to a license from the Treasury Department’s OFAC. JPMorgan Chase Bank, N.A. charged a fee of U.S. dollar $4.25 for this transaction. JPMorgan Chase Bank, N.A. may in the future engage in similar transactions for its clients to the extent permitted by U.S. law."

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According to its Annual Report filed for fiscal year 2014: "In addition, during 2014, JPMorgan Chase Bank, N.A. processed one payment from Iran Air on behalf of a U.S. client into such client’s account at JPMorgan Chase Bank, N.A. Iran Air is designated pursuant to Executive Order 13382. This transaction was authorized by and conducted pursuant to a license from the Treasury Department’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (“OFAC”). JPMorgan Chase Bank, N.A. charged a fee of US$ 3.50 for this transaction. Iran Air overpaid such U.S. client when it made the initial payment to the client. Therefore, upon its U.S. client’s request, the Firm transferred the overpayment back to Iran Air in the fourth quarter of 2014 and charged a fee of US$ 5.50 for the transfer. As with the initial transaction, the transfer of the overpayment to Iran Air was authorized by and conducted pursuant to an OFAC license. JPMorgan Chase Bank, N.A. has no current intention to continue such activities but may in the future engage in similar transactions for its clients to the extent permitted by U.S. law."

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"U.S. regulators are expected to order JPMorgan Chase & Co to correct lapses in how it polices suspect money  flows, two people familiar with the situation said, in the latest move by officials to force banks to tighten their anti money-laundering systems. The action against JPMorgan, which is expected as soon as Friday, would be in the form of a cease-and-desist order, which regulators use to force banks to improve compliance weaknesses, the sources said. JPMorgan will probably not have to pay a monetary penalty, one of the sources said... A JPMorgan spokeswoman declined to comment... The inquiry on JPMorgan, the biggest U.S. bank, dates back several months, the sources said. The first public signs that JPMorgan had issues with its transaction monitoring systems emerged in August 2011. At that time JPMorgan agreed to pay $88.3 million to settle Treasury Department allegations that it engaged in prohibited transactions linked to Cuba and Iran. A source familiar with the expected order said JPMorgan did not adequately fix dozens of anti-money laundering issues cited previously by regulators, forcing them to take formal action. Under the order, JPMorgan is expected to be required to bolster systems it uses to monitor risk and transactions, the sources said." (Reuters, "Exclusive: JPMorgan faces action on laundering controls," 1/11/13)

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"This license was so heavily redacted by OFAC at the request of JPMorgan Chase that it is impossible to say exactly what was authorized other than the fact that it involved a letter of credit that somehow ran afoul of the sanctions against Iran." (New York Times, "Licenses Granted to U.S. Companies Run the Gamut," 12/24/10)

"ImEx Gulf Inc., which represents over 10 U.S. companies, had the most visitors as it had displayed the U.S. flag in its stand.  As a matter of fact, this happened for the first time for over three decades.

Since the first Kish Island show was a success, VIV and Sunsafa Co. are discussing the possibility of hosting another Kish Island show." (4/21/2014)

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The US Government provided ImEx Gulf with a license to sell medical products to Iran. (New York Times, "Licenses Granted to U.S. Companies Run the Gamut," 12/24/10)

"This license is to sell a Hollywood USA weight loss supplement called NatureFit. 'Iranians absolutely love American products,' said the company's owner, Rocky Hadzovic, adding that he had no compunction against selling his products in Iran. 'If we don't sell to them, someobody else will - they're going to get product from Canada, Europe, or China.'" (New York Times, "Licenses Granted to U.S. Companies Run the Gamut," 12/24/10)

"This license involved a medical-waste disposal plant in Honolulu called Hawaii Medical Vitrification. On July 28, 2003, the plant’s owner, Samuel Liu, ordered 200 graphite electrodes from a Chinese government-owned company, China Precision Machinery Import Export Corporation. In an interview, Mr. Liu said he had chosen the company because the electrodes available in the United States were harder to find and more expensive. Two days later, the Bush administration barred American citizens from doing business with the Chinese company, which had already been penalized repeatedly for providing missile technology to Pakistan and Iran. By the time Customs seized the electrodes on Nov. 5, waste was piling up in the sun. Nor did prospects look good for Mr. Liu’s application to the licensing office seeking to do an end run around the sanctions. On Nov. 21, a State Department official, Ralph Palmiero, recommended that the agency deny the request since the sanctions explicitly mandated the 'termination of existing contracts' like Mr. Liu’s. 'The penalties are clear in this case,' Mr. Palmiero wrote, 'and the responsibility rests with OFAC to implement the import ban.' That is when Senator Daniel K. Inouye’s office stepped in. While his electrodes were at sea, Mr. Liu had made his first political contribution ever, giving the senator’s campaign $2,000. Mr. Liu says the timing was coincidental, that he was simply feeling more politically inclined. Records show that an Inouye aide called the licensing office on Mr. Liu’s behalf the same day that Mr. Palmiero recommended denying the application. The senator himself wrote two days later. Mr. Inouye’s spokesman, Peter Boylan, said the contribution had 'no impact whatsoever' on the senator’s actions, which he said were motivated solely by concern for the community’s health and welfare. The pressure appears to have worked. The following day, the licensing office’s director at the time asked the State Department to reconsider in an e-mail that prominently noted the senator’s interest. A few days later, the State Department found that the purchase qualified for a special 'medical and humanitarian' exception. The license was issued Dec. 10. Two months later, Mr. Liu sent the senator another $2,000 contribution, the maximum allowable. Treasury Under Secretary Stuart Levey said he could not comment on the details of a decision predating his tenure. But he noted that sanctions against the Chinese company had since been toughened, and added, 'Certainly this transaction wouldn’t be authorized today.'" (New York Times, "Licenses Granted to U.S. Companies Run the Gamut," 12/24/10)