UANI Statement on U.S.-Iran Memorandum of Understanding
(New York, NY)—United Against Nuclear Iran (UANI) Chairman Governor Jeb Bush and CEO Ambassador Mark D. Wallace released the following statement today after the signing of the U.S.-Islamic Republic of Iran Memorandum of Understanding (MoU):
“We applaud the bravery, professionalism, and sacrifice of the servicemen and women who served in the historic Operations Midnight Hammer and Epic Fury. We applaud President Trump and his national security team for their leadership and decisive action on Iran. President Trump and his administration have set back Iran’s nuclear and regional hegemonic ambitions and support for terrorism more so than all previous presidents collectively from the outset of the Islamic Revolution in 1979.
“The Iran file has been redefined with Iran no longer on the cusp of a nuclear weapon. The American and Israeli militaries have neutralized the Iranian regime’s nuclear enrichment capability, eroded its defense industrial base, degraded its missile and drone programs, diminished its oppressive security apparatus, and killed regime officials and commanders with the blood of Americans, our allies, and brave dissenting Iranians on their hands. Justice has been served after 47 years of Islamic Republic terrorism. For the first time in decades, Iran’s regime is not enriching uranium. America and Israel achieved more militarily than diplomacy has ever produced with the Islamic Republic since 1979.
“As to the MoU announced between Iran and the United States, it is intentionally vague and prospective in nature requiring the parties to negotiate a comprehensive agreement on a variety of issues. The MoU must be judged on concrete Iranian actions that would fundamentally change the nature of the regime.
“We remain skeptical that Iran’s regime’s leadership wants peace and to be accepted into the community of nations. The fundamental tenets of its revolutionary ideology preclude such a peace and acceptance of the United States and Israel. There has been much rhetoric and criticism of the MoU across broad partisan lines. We too have concerns about elements of the MoU, similar to the criticism we had for the 2013 Joint Plan of Action (JPOA) and 2015 Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA).
“Our detailed comments on the elements of the MoU are below. We would urge the president and his national security team to transparently describe Iran’s constructive role in moving towards the comprehensive agreement to be reached within 60 days. Constructive performance may overcome clear shortcomings contained within the MoU.
“In 2013, UANI opposed the Obama administration’s JPOA because it offered substantial sanctions relief in exchange for temporary nuclear constraints, depriving the United States of the leverage needed to dismantle Iran’s nuclear program. It resulted in a fatally flawed JCPOA, which President Trump rightfully terminated in 2018.
“Here, President Trump’s MoU offers generous sanctions relief in exchange for reopening the Strait of Hormuz, an international waterway which the Islamic Republic has no right to close, as well as mere formal promises to discuss nuclear constraints and unspecified back-channel commitments. Sanctions relief and lifting the blockade risk undoing what the president has achieved economically and militarily.
“We remain skeptical that the regime will make the nuclear concessions that the president expects as part of any final settlement. Tehran refused to make such concessions even as the blockade constrained its economy. With the blockade lifted, sanctions waivers issued, and assets made available to it, the Islamic Republic will likely resume its long practice of stalling negotiations.
“Likewise, we have concerns over the MoU because it fails to address crucial elements of Iran’s malign behavior, including its missile and drone program, support for regional militias and terrorism, and its human rights abuses such as the oppression, torture, and murder of tens of thousands of its own people. Any agreement with Iran should not be silent on these issues as the lessons of the JCPOA showed ignoring them threatened American interests.
“UANI recommends that the Trump administration include the following red lines in its diplomacy with Iran: tight deadlines to reach an agreement; no sunset clauses; explicit zero uranium enrichment; the shipment of Iran’s entire enriched-uranium stockpile out of the country for reprocessing and dilution; the closure of Iran’s plutonium pathway to nuclear weapons; true anytime, anywhere inspections with robust verification; restrictions on Iran’s ballistic missile and drone programs; an end to Iran’s transnational repression and support for regional militias and terrorism; the release of all hostages and an end to Iran’s hostage taking; and ensuring complete freedom of navigation.
“President Trump has rightly threatened to resume military action against Iran’s regime should it not comply with its MoU obligations. U.S. officials have also threatened to walk away from the MoU if they determine the Islamic Republic is not serious. We urge the administration to be prepared to follow through on these threats and reinstitute the maximum pressure campaign.
“We urge caution and understanding of the true nature of the Islamic Republic’s leadership. To be clear, the men running the Iranian regime, like their predecessors, are brutal murderers and when they have previously called for ‘Death to America’ and ‘Death to Israel’— they meant it. Speaker of Parliament Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf served on the same Supreme National Security Council which issued a live fire order against Iranian demonstrators, killing tens of thousands over the course of a few days in January 2026. Commander-in-Chief of the IRGC Ahmad Vahidi is subject to an INTERPOL Red Notice for his role in the bombing of a Jewish community center in Buenos Aires in 1994.
“The apparent willingness to negotiate by the Islamic Republic and with such persons should not cloud the true face of these regime leaders and their historic duplicity and willingness to lie. And to date we haven’t seen an Islamic Republic leopard change its spots.
“For the reasons discussed above, we cannot endorse the MoU in its current form.”
To read UANI’s report on an acceptable Islamabad Framework with Iran, please click here.
To read UANI’s report on Iran’s Art of the Deal negotiation style, please click here.
UANI has listed its analysis and, at times, criticism of the MoU underneath each section:
- The United States of America and the Islamic Republic of Iran and their allies in the current war, by signing this MoU (Memorandum of Understanding), declare the immediate and permanent termination of military operations on all fronts, including in Lebanon, and undertake from now on not to initiate any war or any military operation against each other, and to refrain from the threat or use of force against each other, and ensuring the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Lebanon. The final deal will confirm the permanent termination of the war on all fronts, including in Lebanon, and other provisions of this paragraph.
This language terminates military operations but does not disallow Iran’s regime from arming and funding its terror proxies, including Hezbollah, the Houthis, Hamas, Iraqi Shiite militias, and other groups. Consequently, this provision increases the chances of future conflict by providing breathing space and a pathway for these U.S.-designated foreign terrorist organizations to rearm, rebuild, and eventually attack America and Israel again. The inclusion of Lebanon raises an additional concern: it could constrain Israel's ability to defend itself against Hezbollah without requiring Hezbollah to disarm or cease hostile activity. It also risks recognizing and legitimizing Hezbollah – a U.S.-designated terrorist organization.
- The United States of America and the Islamic Republic of Iran undertake to respect each other’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, and to refrain from interfering in each other's internal affairs.
The Islamic Republic and other rogue regimes have historically used the language of “respecting sovereignty” and “noninterference in internal affairs” to deflect criticism of political repression, human rights abuses, and democratic backsliding. While such provisions are common in international agreements, this language could complicate future American efforts to support the democratic aspirations of the Iranian people or to hold the regime publicly accountable for its longstanding human rights violations. It should not be forgotten that the regime massacred as many as 40,000 unarmed civilians during Iran’s January 2026 protests.
- The United States of America and the Islamic Republic of Iran commit to negotiating and achieving the final deal in maximum 60 days extendable with mutual consent.
Deadlines are useful only if they impose genuine pressure. A negotiation period that can be extended indefinitely risks becoming a mechanism for delay rather than resolution. The Islamic Republic’s negotiators have historically used prolonged diplomatic processes to defer difficult concessions while seeking incremental economic or political benefits. Without meaningful enforcement mechanisms, extensions could allow Tehran to prolong negotiations while offering little in return.
Immediately upon the signing of this MoU, the United States of America will begin the removal of its naval blockade and any disturbances or impediments against the Islamic Republic of Iran, and will fully end the naval blockade within 30 days. During this period, the traffic of vessels will be in proportion to the numbers of pre-war traffic being restored by the Islamic Republic of Iran. The United States of America further undertakes to remove its forces from the proximity of the Islamic Republic of Iran within 30 days after the final deal.
As always, UANI’s ship trackers will be monitoring the flow of vessels through the Strait of Hormuz to ensure the free flow of commerce.
- Upon the signing of this MoU, the Islamic Republic of Iran will make arrangements using its best efforts for the safe passage of commercial vessels with no charge for 60 days only from the Persian Gulf to the Sea of Oman and vice versa. The traffic of commercial vessels will immediately start and, considering the need for removing the technical and military obstacles and de-mining by the Islamic Republic of Iran, will be instated within 30 days. The Islamic Republic of Iran will conduct dialog with the Sultanate of Oman to define the future administration and maritime services in the Strait of Hormuz, in discussion with other Persian Gulf littoral states in line with the applicable international law and the sovereign rights of coastal states of the Strait of Hormuz.
Any final deal must ensure the Strait of Hormuz will be free from tolls, fees, or any other interference from the Iranian regime.
- The United States of America undertakes with regional partners to develop a definitive, mutually agreed plan with at least USD 300 billion for the reconstruction and economic development of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The mechanism for the implementation of this plan will be finalized as part of final deal within 60 days. All required licenses, waivers, and permissions needed for the relevant financial transactions will be granted by the United States of America.
In order for such a fund to be effective, there would have to be actual or effective regime change in Iran. Unless and until Iran abandons its pursuit of a nuclear weapon, sponsorship of terrorism, and human rights abuses, no such fund should be in place. No reasonable person would invest in Iran until there is such fundamental change. And we see no signs that this is possible given the revolutionary ideology of the Islamic Republic.
The United States of America undertakes to terminate all types of sanctions against the Islamic Republic of Iran, including the United Nations Security Council resolutions, i.e. IAEA Board of Governors resolutions, and all unilateral US sanctions, primary and secondary, in an agreed upon schedule as part of the final deal. The Islamic Republic of Iran and the United States of America acknowledge the critical importance of the sanctions termination issue above mentioned and express their intentions to immediately address these issues in the negotiations in order to achieve mutual agreement on them.
If the final deal only addresses Iran’s nuclear program, then terminating “all types of sanctions against the Islamic Republic” is inconsistent with the current sanctions regime. U.S. sanctions fall under nuclear, counterproliferation, terrorism, and human rights abuse authorities. Unless and until the Iranian regime stops all proliferation activities, ceases engaging in and sponsoring terrorism, and violating the human rights of Iranians, sanctions tied to those authorities should remain in place, regardless of any nuclear settlement.
The Islamic Republic of Iran reaffirms that it shall not procure or develop nuclear weapons. The United States of America and the Islamic Republic of Iran have agreed to resolve the disposition of stockpiled enriched material pursuant to a mechanism that will be mutually agreed upon, in accordance with the schedule mentioned in paragraph seven with the minimum methodology to be down blending on site under the supervision of the IAEA. The two parties also agreed to discuss the issue of enrichment and other mutually agreed matters related to the Islamic Republic of Iran's nuclear needs, based on a satisfactory framework being agreed upon in the final deal. The final deal will confirm the provisions of this paragraph. The United States of America and the Islamic Republic of Iran acknowledge the critical importance of the nuclear issues above mentioned and express their intention to immediately address these issues in the negotiations in order to achieve mutual agreement on them.
Iran since the Islamic Republic’s founding has rejected the desire to procure or develop a nuclear weapon. However, throughout that same time, it has consistently and surreptitiously done just that. Accordingly, the first sentence of this provision is not in itself a new or significant concession. UANI is also concerned that this section leaves the door open to greenlighting a limited uranium enrichment program for Iran, even though (1) the U.S. military successfully destroyed Iran’s uranium enrichment capabilities and (2) zero enrichment by Iran has long been a red line for President Trump and is endorsed by U.N. Security Council resolutions. Any domestic enrichment capability, however limited, preserves a potential pathway back to a nuclear weapons option.
Pending the final deal, the United States of America and the Islamic Republic of Iran agree to maintain the status quo. The Islamic Republic of Iran will maintain the current status quo of its nuclear program and the United States of America will not impose any new sanctions and will not deploy additional forces in the region.
This “freeze for freeze” provision is similar to the language in the 2013 JPOA. While Iran’s regime would be required to maintain the status quo in its nuclear program, the United States would simultaneously forgo additional sanctions pressure. But the U.S. sanctions architecture against Iran’s regime extends beyond the nuclear file. The Islamic Republic’s other malign behavior—including terrorism, development of ballistic missiles, and human rights abuses—warrant continued maximum pressure by the U.S. government.
The United States of America undertakes that immediately upon the signing of this MoU and until the termination of sanctions, US Department of Treasury will issue waivers for the export of Iranian crude oil, petroleum products, and derivatives, and all associated services, including banking transactions, insurances, transportation, etc.
These temporary sanctions waivers provide Tehran with meaningful economic relief before the most consequential nuclear issues have been resolved. It will disincentivize the Iranian regime from agreeing to the concessions President Trump is demanding on its nuclear program. They will provide generous breathing room for a regime in exchange for reopening the Strait of Hormuz and mere promises to discuss its nuclear program. While offering these waivers may reduce the steep discount given to China by Iran which was exporting oil there anyway in defiance of American sanctions, the resulting asymmetry erodes the economic leverage that will remain available during final status negotiations. If the Trump administration maintains a credible military threat and/or the threat of the reimposition of the naval blockade, that economic leverage is less significant.
The United States of America undertakes to make fully available for use the frozen or restricted funds and assets of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Upon the implementation of this MoU, the United States of America and the Islamic Republic of Iran will mutually agree on the procedures related to the release of these funds during the negotiation. Such funds, whether retained in the original account or transferred, shall be made fully usable for payment to any ultimate beneficiary designated by the Central Bank of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The United States of America undertakes to issue all necessary licenses and authorizations accordingly.
UANI disagrees with this provision. As written, this provision appears to grant the release of significant frozen or restricted funds to Iran in order to commence full negotiations. Those funds are vast and will be a vital infusion to the Iranian regime. Money is fungible. Regardless of any formal sanctions or U.S. Treasury Department oversight, access to these assets would provide the regime with substantial financial breathing room as was demonstrated during both the Obama and Biden administrations. These Iranian funds will offer a lifeline to the Islamic Republic’s repressive and terror apparatus. We are paying for the right to negotiate a final deal with the Iranian regime, which should be a non-starter.
Frozen or restricted funds and assets of the Islamic Republic can be found in:
- China, with estimates ranging from $20 billion to $50 billion;
- Iraq, with estimates around $15 billion;
- India, with estimates around $7 billion;
- Qatar, with estimates around $6 billion; and
- Japan, Europe, U.S., and Oman, with estimates around $8 billion.
At a minimum, the Trump administration should provide transparency regarding the amount of money being released, the mechanisms through which it is being transferred, and the safeguards intended to prevent diversion to military, proxy, or repressive activities.
- The United States of America and the Islamic Republic of Iran agree that an executive mechanism will be established to monitor the successful implementation of this MoU and the future compliance of the final deal.
UANI looks forward to hearing more about how this mechanism will operate.
- After signing this MoU, and subject to the beginning of the implementation of paragraphs 1,4,5,10 and 11 of this MoU, and the continuing implementation of these measures, the United States of America and the Islamic Republic of Iran will start negotiations regarding the final deal exclusively on the other paragraphs.
UANI urges regular and substantive briefings to the U.S. Congress on the status of these negotiations. - The final deal will be endorsed by a binding UNSC resolution.
Before any final agreement receives endorsement through a binding U.N. Security Council resolution, any such agreement should first be submitted to Congress for approval.
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